US capture of Maduro divides a changed region, thrilling Trump’s allies and threatening his foes

In a significant escalation of U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, President Donald Trump has proclaimed that “American dominance in the Western Hemisphere will never be questioned again” following the dramatic capture of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro. The Venezuelan strongman was visibly paraded through the offices of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration in New York, culminating months of mounting tensions between Washington and Caracas.

The operation has awakened memories of past U.S. interventionism in the region, creating stark political divisions across Latin American nations. Trump’s aggressive approach has emerged as a defining feature of his administration’s foreign policy in the region.

Since taking office less than a year ago, Trump has launched a series of provocative actions, including renaming the Gulf of Mexico as the Gulf of America, conducting naval strikes against alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean, imposing a blockade on Venezuelan oil exports, and interfering in elections in Honduras and Argentina.

Trump’s strategy employs a combination of tariffs, sanctions, and military force to pressure Latin American leaders into advancing his administration’s priorities: fighting drug trafficking, halting immigration, securing strategic natural resources, and countering Russian and Chinese influence in the region.

This assertive approach, which Trump has dubbed the “Donroe Doctrine” – a reference to James Monroe’s 19th-century belief that the U.S. should dominate its sphere of influence – has effectively divided the hemisphere into allies and adversaries.

“The Trump administration in multiple different ways has been trying to reshape Latin American politics,” explained Gimena Sanchez, Andes director for the Washington Office on Latin America. “They’re showing their teeth in the whole region.”

Saturday’s events, including Trump’s declaration that Washington would “run” Venezuela and take control of its oil sector, have galvanized opposing sides across the politically polarized continent.

Argentine President Javier Milei, a staunch Trump ally, characterized one side as supporting “democracy, the defense of life, freedom and property,” while describing their opponents as “accomplices of a narco-terrorist and bloody dictatorship that has been a cancer for our region.”

Other right-wing leaders in South America similarly seized on Maduro’s ouster to align themselves ideologically with Trump. Ecuador’s conservative President Daniel Noboa issued a warning to followers of Hugo Chávez, Maduro’s predecessor, saying: “Your structure will completely collapse across the entire continent.”

In Chile, far-right President-elect José Antonio Kast, who recently won an election marked by concerns over Venezuelan immigration, celebrated the U.S. raid as “great news for the region.”

However, left-wing presidents across Latin America expressed serious concerns about what they view as American overreach. Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva called the raid “an extremely dangerous precedent,” while Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum warned it “jeopardizes regional stability.” Chile’s Gabriel Boric condemned it for violating “an essential pillar of international law,” and Colombia’s Gustavo Petro described it as “aggression against the sovereignty of Venezuela and of Latin America.”

Trump has previously punished or threatened these leaders for failing to comply with his demands, while supporting and financially assisting allies who demonstrate loyalty.

For Lula, among the last surviving figures of the “pink tide” of leftist leaders who dominated Latin American politics in the early 2000s, Trump’s military action in Venezuela “recalls the worst moments of interference in the politics of Latin America.”

These historical parallels range from early 20th century American occupations promoting U.S. corporate interests, like Chiquita, to Washington’s support for repressive military dictatorships in the 1970s to counter Soviet influence.

The operation has created uncomfortable positions even for some of Trump’s allies. El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, typically effusive in his support for Trump, has been notably restrained in his response, posting only a meme mocking Maduro after his capture.

In Bolivia, conservative President Rodrigo Paz praised Maduro’s removal as fulfilling “the true popular will” of Venezuelans who attempted to vote him out in the 2024 election widely regarded as fraudulent. However, Trump later announced he would work with Maduro’s loyalist vice president, Delcy Rodríguez, rather than the opposition that many observers believe won the election.

“The Trump administration, it appears at this point, is making decisions about the democratic future of Venezuela without referring back to the democratic result,” noted Kevin Whitaker, former deputy chief of mission for the State Department in Caracas.

When questioned about when Venezuela might hold democratic elections, Trump simply responded: “I think we’re looking more at getting it fixed.”

Trump’s broader campaign aligns with political shifts across Latin America, where recent elections from Chile to Honduras have elevated leaders who share his stance against immigration, emphasis on security, and promises to restore a perceived better past free from globalization and progressive values.

Those who do not share Trump’s ideology received clear warnings this weekend. He suggested Cuba’s Communist government “looks like it’s ready to fall,” criticized Sheinbaum’s “failure to root out Mexican cartels,” and repeated allegations that Colombia’s Petro “likes making cocaine,” warning that “he’s not going to be doing it very long.”

“We’re in the business of having countries around us that are viable and successful, where the oil is allowed to really come out,” Trump told reporters aboard Air Force One. “It’s our hemisphere.”