Russian Propaganda Tools Exert Influence Across Europe

The ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine has exposed the deeply entrenched influence of Russian propaganda throughout Europe, according to Dieter Pichler, founder of Austria’s Disinfo Resilience Network. In an interview with Kyiv Post, Pichler revealed that Russian disinformation campaigns targeting European public opinion are not new phenomena, but rather the culmination of decades of strategic influence operations.

“Russian interference did not start in 2022, or even in 2014,” Pichler explained. “The minds of many Westerners are still heavily influenced by the Soviet ‘Active Measures’ campaign from the early 1980s.”

According to Pichler, anti-Western and anti-NATO narratives have been circulating since the Cold War, with anti-EU and anti-Ukraine messaging becoming more prominent since Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The effectiveness of these campaigns varies across Europe, with particularly strong pro-Russian sentiment visible in Serbia and Hungary.

Even in traditional Western European democracies, Russian influence has found fertile ground. Italy and Germany, for instance, have long-standing traditions of far-left, communist, and pro-Moscow “peace movements” that are receptive to Russian messaging. Simultaneously, many Western European countries now have pro-Russian far-right factions represented in their parliaments.

Slovakia represents a special case where Russian disinformation has achieved significant success through amplification by local collaborators. Despite this, Pichler noted that strong pro-Western resistance persists there, with thousands regularly demonstrating with European and Ukrainian flags against the government of Prime Minister Robert Fico.

While Russian propaganda techniques have evolved to include AI-generated content and more sophisticated social media manipulation, Pichler emphasized that traditional methods remain equally effective. “The strength of Russian propaganda is its persistent use of the same talking points,” he said, adding that classical propaganda methods including books, media manipulation, and recruitment of Western academics, politicians, and former diplomats continue unabated.

Certain conditions make European societies more vulnerable to Russian influence campaigns. Economic struggles, high energy prices, social polarization, immigration challenges, and historical ties to Russia all create opportunities for Moscow to amplify existing divisions. In societies with strong anti-Russian sentiment, Russian actors simply pivot to other divisive topics.

The pacifist movements in Europe present a particular vulnerability. Many strict pacifists not only oppose proactive violence but also reject self-defense entirely. “To justify this view, they have to downplay the goals of the aggressor,” Pichler explained. “They are often unable to speak openly about what happens under occupation: the killing of civilians, torture, abuse, indoctrination, looting.”

Pichler highlighted the historical connections between peace movements and Soviet influence operations. “We know that the historical peace movement was heavily infiltrated by the KGB, East Germany’s Stasi, and Czechoslovak communist intelligence,” he said. The remnants of these Soviet-influenced movements persist today, particularly within far-left circles, where the same individuals who once opposed NATO and American missiles now rally against military aid to Ukraine.

Soviet nostalgia also provides fertile ground for Russian propaganda, particularly among older generations in Eastern Europe. However, Pichler cautioned against misinterpreting this sentiment. “Soviet nostalgia in Eastern Europe is not progressive at all,” he noted, explaining that many who express such nostalgia hold views that would be considered far-right in Western Europe.

When asked about potential countermeasures, Pichler emphasized that legal tools alone cannot solve the problem, though platforms should do more to counter extremism and war propaganda. The most crucial response, he argued, is building societal resilience through education.

“We need to educate our people about what Soviet active measures did to the West, how they evolved over the years, and how complex Russian propaganda is,” Pichler said. His Disinfo Resilience Network brings together historians, political scientists, journalists, politicians, and diplomats to develop strategies to counter the impact of Russian propaganda and build stronger resilience across European societies.