Hungary Got a Fresh Start. Will Its Media Follow Suit?

Hungary’s Media Landscape Undergoes Dramatic Shift as Orbán Era Ends

Three days after his historic electoral victory over Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s prime minister-elect Péter Magyar made a symbolic visit to MTVA, the country’s public media conglomerate that had served as a propaganda machine for the Orbán regime. During the campaign, state media had relentlessly targeted Magyar with hit pieces, false accusations about war-mongering, and fabricated reports about austerity plans.

Given the opportunity to address his former persecutors, Magyar didn’t hold back. “What you did here would’ve made Goebbels smack his lips,” he told his interviewers, promising to shut down what he called a “factory of lies” and replace it with “independent, objective, and neutral public media.” In a remarkable turn of events, state media employees applauded Magyar as he departed, with the prime minister-elect acknowledging many had been reluctant participants in the propaganda system.

The collapse of Hungary’s state propaganda apparatus began almost immediately after the election results. At MTI, the state newswire, employees revolted against their right-wing news director, demanding editorial independence. Petőfi TV, a cultural channel within the state media system, signaled intentions to feature artists known for their opposition to Orbán. Even TV2, a private but staunchly pro-Orbán channel, fired its news director and removed two prominent on-air personalities.

Orbán himself seemed to accept the new reality during his sole post-defeat media appearance on a right-wing YouTube channel. When the interviewer approached with sympathetic, deferential questions, Orbán shut him down, accepted responsibility for his loss, and even wished Magyar’s voters well.

For 16 years, Hungary’s media landscape operated in three distinct spheres. MTVA broadcasters like M1 targeted rural, offline communities that traditionally supported Orbán. Private media owned by Orbán loyalists dominated about 80 percent of the industry through print, television, and online outlets. A smaller independent press sector, including digital outlets like Telex, Partizán, 444.hu, and HVG, struggled against political persecution while trying to hold the government accountable.

According to Gábor Polyák, professor of media law and policy at Eötvös Lóránd University in Budapest, restructuring Hungary’s public media presents enormous challenges. “Magyar would have to replace everyone on screen, behind the microphone, and at the editorial desk and find journalists who are willing to be the new faces of an institution distrusted by the public,” he explained. “He’ll need to assure them that this is a secure workplace where they can say no to political pressure.”

The future of private pro-government media networks is equally uncertain. With Magyar promising to halt state advertising—a crucial revenue source for these outlets—Orbán-friendly oligarchs may be reluctant to continue funding them. Polyák describes KESMA, a pro-Orbán conglomerate running hundreds of national and regional newspapers, as being on “death row.” In a truly competitive market, he estimates only half a dozen right-wing news outlets could remain financially viable.

For Hungary’s independent media, the post-Orbán era brings its own challenges. They must now cover the country’s transformation while investigating the legacy of authoritarian rule. Balázs Kaufmann, a veteran journalist with 444.hu, noted that “there’s a whole generation of my colleagues who never saw communication as a two-way street between the government and the press.” He warned that Magyar supporters expecting cheerleading from independent outlets would be disappointed, as these journalists remain committed to their watchdog role.

The day after his election, Magyar held a three-hour press conference where he first called on independent media that had “survived the past sixteen years and filled the role of public service media.” He specifically acknowledged Kaufmann, whose reporting on a presidential pardon scandal had helped catalyze Magyar’s break with Orbán, saying, “You’ve just heard from the journalist thanks to whom we’re standing here today.”

Kaufmann initially found the acknowledgment uncomfortable, triggering “sixteen years of self-defense mechanisms.” Only later did he realize it was intended as a gesture of respect toward Hungary’s embattled independent media.

Despite uncertainty about the future, Hungary’s journalists express relief at Orbán’s departure. “It feels easier to breathe,” Kaufmann said. “We’re letting go of anxieties we didn’t even know we had. It’s a healing process.”