Lebanon’s latest conflict brings rare public backlash against Hezbollah as war flares again

Lebanese Shiites Voice Growing Discontent as Hezbollah Enters New Conflict with Israel

The Lebanese mother of two had just awakened to prepare the pre-dawn meal before another day of fasting during Ramadan when Israeli warplanes began attacking southern Lebanon in retaliation for rockets and drones launched by Hezbollah.

The family quickly packed up and headed toward Beirut, seeking safety from what could become another deadly war between Israel and Hezbollah. With tens of thousands of others fleeing on March 2, the usually one-hour trip from the southern city of Nabatiyeh took 15 hours.

“I am against giving pretexts to Israel,” said the 45-year-old woman, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals from Hezbollah supporters in her community. “I am totally against Hezbollah’s decision to start with the first strike.”

Now living with her husband, their teenage children, and her mother-in-law inside a school-turned-shelter in Beirut, she represents a growing sentiment among Lebanese Shiites who are increasingly willing to voice frustration with Hezbollah’s military decisions.

As Hezbollah enters a new round of fighting with Israel just 15 months after the last conflict ended with a November 2024 U.S.-brokered ceasefire, the Iran-backed militant group faces mounting grassroots discontent within its traditional base and unprecedented friction with Lebanese authorities.

The latest escalation began on March 2, two days after Israel and the U.S. launched attacks on Iran. Hezbollah fired missiles and drones into Israel for the first time in more than a year, triggering Israeli retaliation that forced hundreds of thousands of residents from southern Lebanon, the eastern Bekaa valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs to flee their homes.

This new displacement comes at a particularly vulnerable time for Lebanese Shiite communities that suffered the brunt of the previous conflict. The last Israel-Hezbollah war killed more than 4,000 people in Lebanon and caused $11 billion in damage, according to World Bank estimates. Many displaced families were still in the process of rebuilding their lives.

Hussein Ali, a vegetable vendor, is experiencing déjà vu after being forced to leave his house in Beirut’s southern suburb of Haret Hreik for the second time in less than two years. During the last conflict, his apartment was destroyed, and now he fears the same outcome.

“No one wanted this war,” said Ali, who is also staying in a school shelter and relying on aid to survive. “People haven’t recovered from the previous war.”

Unlike previous conflicts when fear kept many silent, some Lebanese Shiites are now openly criticizing Hezbollah as they find themselves living on the streets, in public squares, or with relatives amid cold weather while fasting during Ramadan.

In another significant shift, the Lebanese government has taken unprecedented steps to assert authority over Hezbollah’s military activities. On March 2, the government declared Hezbollah’s armed operations illegal, with all but two Cabinet ministers—the Hezbollah representatives—voting in favor. Even ministers from Hezbollah’s strongest ally, the Amal movement led by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, supported the measure.

“The government confirms that the decision of war and peace is only in the hand of the state,” Prime Minister Nawaf Salam declared, adding that the government “orders the immediate ban on all of Hezbollah’s military activities as they are illegal and it should be forced to hand over its weapons to the Lebanese state.”

This marks a dramatic change in Lebanon’s political landscape. After the 1990 end of Lebanon’s civil war, when other militias were required to disarm, Hezbollah had maintained its exemption due to its role fighting Israel’s occupation of southern Lebanon. Now, the government is actively challenging that special status.

The Lebanese army has begun enforcing the new stance, recently arresting three Hezbollah members found transporting weapons at a checkpoint, though they were later released on bail.

Despite growing criticism, Hezbollah maintains significant support among many Lebanese Shiites. Supporters argue the group’s decision to strike Israel was justified because Israel had not honored the November 2024 ceasefire terms and continued almost daily airstrikes that killed approximately 400 people, including dozens of civilians.

“We cannot tolerate that anymore,” said Ali Saleh, who was displaced from a southern village near Nabatiyeh. “I pray for God to protect our young men and make them victorious against Israel.”

Even the Shiite woman who criticized Hezbollah acknowledged the complexity of the situation: “If we attack they will attack us and if we don’t attack they would have attacked us.”

Political science professor Sadek Nabulsi, whose thinking aligns with Hezbollah, dismisses the current discontent as nothing new and not representative of a significant fissure in grassroots support for the Iranian-allied militants.

“Hezbollah’s base of support is known for tolerating pain,” Nabulsi said. “If you look at this base of support, despite all the harsh conditions, it is still coherent, patient and waiting for salvation.”

As this new conflict unfolds, the question remains whether the combination of civilian suffering and unprecedented government pushback might finally challenge Hezbollah’s longstanding position as a state within a state in Lebanon.