Russian Disinformation Campaigns Pose Threat to West African Stability, Warns Sanou

In the early hours of Sunday, December 7, 2025, Benin’s capital Cotonou experienced a sudden eruption of violence as a small group of mutinous soldiers launched a coordinated assault on President Patrice Talon’s private residence in the Guézo district. The insurgents also attempted to seize the presidential palace while another team simultaneously stormed the headquarters of the national broadcaster, ORTB.

During their brief occupation of the broadcaster, the rebels announced the formation of a “Committee for Military Refoundation” under Lieutenant-Colonel Tigri Pascal, a relatively unknown military figure. The rebellion, however, proved short-lived.

Within just three hours, loyalist forces regained control of both the presidential palace and the national broadcaster. By 12:30 p.m., Benin’s Interior Ministry appeared on television declaring the coup attempt “completely defeated” as the mutineers scattered, with several reportedly fleeing toward neighboring borders.

While calm has returned to Cotonou, security analysts suggest the significance of this failed coup extends beyond its brief duration. The incident has revealed troubling patterns of foreign influence, digital manipulation, and democratic vulnerabilities that continue to plague West Africa.

What stood out was the suspiciously synchronized disinformation campaign that accompanied the coup attempt. Even before official confirmation of events, pro-Russian “pan-Africanist” activists mobilized online with remarkable coordination. Kémi Seba, a prominent figure in Russia’s Africa outreach initiatives, initially celebrated the attack as a “day of liberation” before deleting his post once the coup collapsed.

Similarly, Swiss-Cameroonian activist Nathalie Yamb, known for her close alignment with Russian interests and military juntas in the Sahel region, spread unverified claims about the situation. Her sudden interest in Benin contrasted sharply with her silence during recent election unrest in her own country.

Social media accounts linked to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—a military-led bloc comprising Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso—circulated doctored videos and fabricated images, including false claims of “two million protesters” supporting the mutineers. Old footage from patriotic rallies was repurposed and presented as real-time mobilization in Cotonou.

Perhaps most concerning was the maritime activity coinciding with the attempted overthrow. At exactly the same time as the coup attempt, two Russian naval vessels were detected approaching the Port of Cotonou. According to witnesses, these ships abruptly changed course once it became clear the coup had failed.

While no conclusive evidence directly links Moscow to the putsch, the pattern of pro-Russian influencers championing the coup, AES-aligned accounts amplifying disinformation, and the synchronized movement of Russian ships has raised serious questions among regional security experts.

The timing also appears significant—the coup occurred on the eve of a major pan-African meeting in neighboring Lomé, Togo, a moment of heightened strategic visibility for the region.

Benin’s institutional resilience proved decisive in thwarting the coup. The Beninese Armed Forces remained overwhelmingly loyal, with only a small faction joining the mutiny. Command structures held firm, and President Talon remained secure under guard. Citizens actively demonstrated in defense of constitutional order, depriving the attempted junta of any meaningful social base.

Regional response was equally swift. Neighboring Côte d’Ivoire alerted troops to stand by for potential intervention if Benin requested assistance. Gabon, despite its own transitional military government, indicated readiness to mobilize support. Nigeria, as current ECOWAS Chair, put regional standby units on alert.

Fearing a repeat of successful coups in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, both Nigeria and ECOWAS took immediate and proactive steps. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu directed Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs to issue a firm statement condemning the attempt and offering support to safeguard Benin’s stability and territorial integrity.

ECOWAS followed with an emergency communiqué reaffirming its “zero-tolerance stance on unconstitutional changes of government” while urging member states to strengthen democratic governance and guard against external interference. Reports suggest some coup participants were neutralized through military action, indicating the region’s determination to prevent another successful overthrow.

The attempted coup has exposed uncomfortable truths about democratic fragility in West Africa. Several troubling trends continue to make coups attractive across the region: eroding public trust in elections due to disputed polls, weak institutions, and persistent corruption fueling public cynicism.

Economic hardship, with rising living costs and inequality, provides fertile ground for anti-government sentiment. This is worsened by shrinking civic space where citizens cannot express grievances peacefully. Meanwhile, regional early-warning systems within ECOWAS and the African Union continue to focus more on punishment than prevention.

As Benin’s democratic institutions narrowly survived this test, the incident serves as a stark warning for the entire region. Without meaningful reforms to strengthen democratic governance, improve economic management, and maintain civilian control over military forces, West Africa remains vulnerable to both external and internal destabilization.

The question now facing ECOWAS is whether it can restore its deterrent capability and democratic credibility after years of failed interventions. Many regional experts argue the bloc must shift from reactive sanctions to proactive democratic peer review mechanisms.